Suchergebnisse

Dieses Buch führt in knapper Form durch die wesentlichen Bereiche der Sozialpsychologie. Der Text soll grundlegendes Wissen einfach und verständlich zugänglich machen. Die Themenbereiche umfassen Gegenstand und Geschichte sowie Methoden der Sozialpsychologie, Selbst und Identität, Konstruktion der sozialen Realität und die Prozesse dieser Konstruktion, Einstellungen, Interpersonale Beziehungen und sozialen Einfluss, Prozesse in Kleingruppen sowie Toleranz und Diskriminierung zwischen sozialen Gruppen. (Verlagstext)

Die Verfasser charakterisieren die deutsch-deutsche Fusion als einseitige Anpassung ostdeutscher an westdeutsche Verhältnisse mit den dabei implizierten Statusunterschieden. Anknüpfend an die Theorie sozialer Identität (Tajfel/Turner) wird die soziale Identität der Ostdeutschen als bedroht charakterisiert und ein Vorhersagemodell entwickelt, das Auskunft über Formen des Umgangs mit bedrohter oder negativer Identität gibt. Neben den klassischen individuellen und kollektiven Strategien des Identitätsmanagements (soziale Mobilität, Rekategorisierung, sozialer Wettbewerb, realistischer Wettbewerb) verweist dieses Modell auch auf die problematischeren Strategien des sozialen Protests und der Ausländerfeindlichkeit. Die Untersuchung macht deutlich, dass die Identifikation als Ostdeutscher als problematische Komponente für ein reibungsloses Zusammenwachsen von Ost- und Westdeutschland anzusehen ist. (ICE)

Recent research suggests that citizens' sense of being socially marginalized, or "left behind" in society, plays an important role in triggering support for right-wing populist attitudes. Although perceived misrecognition by others is thought to be a core aspect of this sense of social marginalization, the effect of (mis)recognition on citizens' support for the populist-right, and the psychological mechanism underlying this effect, has thus far not been directly examined. Inspired by the social identity tradition, we conceptualize the establishment of subjective superiority over the elites on the one hand, and over national minorities on the other, as an identity management strategy in the face of social identity threat, triggered by perceived misrecognition by the elites. Across three studies conducted in Germany, we provide cross-sectional and experimental support for a causal model in which misrecognition, which is directed at people as "nationals" rather than as individuals, triggers contempt toward the elites and rejection of national minorities, via the perception that one's belongingness to the nation, as a valued member thereof, is threatened ("social identity threat"). Our findings suggest that support for attitudes associated with the populist right may help citizens re-establish their valued identity as full members of the nation, in the face of those who allegedly deny or disregard it.

Conservatives perceive the world as a more dangerous and threatening place than liberals, which explains conservatives' more cautious social behaviors and their greater support for policies (e.g., anti‐immigration and harsher punitive measures) that aim to manage and reduce perceived threats and uncertainties. However, past research operationalized the "world" as a place replete with social and physical threats (e.g., street crimes and terrorism). Less attention has been given to the economic world, which is equally characterized by threatening events (e.g., corporate crimes, stock market crashes). In four studies, we examined whether differences in appraisal of the economic world explain ideological differences in stock market participation and neoliberal economic policy preferences. The findings reveal that liberals perceive the stock market as a more dangerous and riskier place than conservatives. This asymmetry explains liberals' cautious investment behaviors, their greater support for regulation of the stock market, and their greater opposition to privatization of Social Security. We argue that liberals' greater support for these policies serves to protect investors and the general public from the perceived harms of the economic world. Our findings suggest that the psychological processes underlying threat management and uncertainty reduction are similar for conservatives and liberals, but these processes are context dependent.